Never again May 8th

Nawras Jebara

Ask person X on the street what May 8 stands for and you will get answers like “International Women’s Day”, “the birthday of exes and mothers”, and “no idea”. On May 8, 1945, the Red Army and the Allies defeated Nazi Germany, and we were liberated from fascism. On VE Day (Victory in Europe Day), people all over Europe took to the streets to celebrate the victory, although the official surrender did not come until September 1945. This year we commemorate the 81st anniversary of the end of fascism.

“The fact that so few people on the street still spontaneously give that answer proves exactly why we must make May 8 a holiday again: the collective memory is fading. This opens the door for those who want to try again,” testifies Ellen De Soete, founder of the May 8 coalition.

Why is this day almost forgotten, and how close do we still stand to fascism today?

The roots of fascism

Fascism as a movement emerged in Europe after the First World War, in a context of economic crisis, fear, mass unemployment, and millions of deaths. In addition, there was also a revolutionary threat from, among others, Marxist movements.

In 1919, the Fasci Italiani di Combattimento was founded in Italy under Benito Mussolini. This literally means “battlings of combatants,” largely composed of demobilized front-line soldiers. Three years later, in 1922, he marched on Rome and seized power. The Italian dictator targeted communists and left-wing movements. In addition, Italy established extermination camps, including in Libya.

National Socialism, or Nazism in Germany, drew inspiration from Mussolini's policies. During Nazi Germany (1933–1945), communists, Marxists, trade unionists, Roma, LGBTQIA+ people, people with disabilities, progressive Christians, Jews, and indeed all dissenters were viewed from a chauvinistic perspective as Untermenschen, certainly in Eastern Europe. They were imprisoned, tortured, hanged, and gassed. Antisemitism dominated Adolf Hitler's Nazi regime.

What is fascism?

The structure of fascism often consists of a single leader who demands absolute obedience, where freedom of speech and freedom of the press do not apply.

Neut defines it as follows: “It concerns a political ideology characterized by the glorification of violence, dictatorial leadership, and militarism.” De Soete largely agrees with that description but adds three elements. According to her, fascism is always ultranationalist, glorifies a mythical past, and is essentially anti-democratic.

In addition, scapegoats are designated to explain societal problems. For instance, fascism relies on a divide-and-conquer strategy, in which power is maintained by pitting groups against each other and granting one more rights than the other. According to her, the core of fascism is the creation of a mass movement through social, nationalist, and racist populism.

Scapegoats

When we combine both definitions and analyze them characteristic by characteristic, we see similarities with today. The scapegoat element, for example. Vlaams Belang regularly targets the Muslim community to link problems in certain neighborhoods and cities in Belgium to migration—such as litter or youth violence—with images that are eagerly shared on social media by party figures.

According to Neut, Vlaams Belang as a party does not align entirely with fascism, but rather with authoritarian regimes such as that of Orbán in Hungary or Meloni in Italy. “But there are certainly factions within the party that closely lean towards fascism, just as extremist views can exist within the Belgian army,” he warns.

Within Vlaams Belang, groups such as Voorpost and the NSV are also mentioned. Every year, the NSV (Nationalist Student Association), founded in 1976, organizes a march in a Flemish city. This year, it took place in Leuven under the slogan “Save our nation, remigration”. Leading figures of Vlaams Belang such as Tom Van Grieken and Mercina Claesen participated.

Stickers featuring the Celtic cross, a symbol used by neo-Nazis, are also being distributed. Additionally, members annually commemorate the Flemish nationalist August Borms, a symbolic figure within the Flemish movement for them, who collaborated with Nazi Germany during the Second World War.

After fascism, human rights were declared universal. Yet today we observe that neo-fascism has not disappeared. This refers to contemporary movements that draw inspiration from the fascism of the Second World War. It is not an exact copy, but differs, for example, in its use of language: “Untermensch” is replaced by terms such as “non-integrable”.

“The core remains the same, but the discourse has become more subtle,” says De Soete. “For instance, Vlaams Belang appears at first glance to be a socially acceptable party, whereas certain lines of discourse lean towards far-right traditions.”

Authoritarianism, freedom of speech and freedom of the press

According to Neut, we are also seeing authoritarian tendencies in Belgium. For instance, the federal government reportedly wants to ban certain organizations without judicial intervention. “That goes against the rule of law. Such decisions ought to be judged by the courts,” he says.

In doing so, he refers to discussions surrounding possible bans on organizations such as Antifa. Minister Anneleen Van Bossuyt's migration policy is also receiving criticism, partly because Belgium is regularly condemned by international bodies.

According to Neut, that is problematic: “Why should policymakers get away with that, while citizens are held responsible? That undermines democracy.”

According to him, press freedom is also under pressure. For instance, subsidies for civil society organizations and critical media outlets such as Apache, MO*, and De Wereld Morgen are coming under threat. In addition, VRT programs and journalists regularly come under fire following critical reports.

According to him, political tensions with the press exist in multiple parties and regions. This is accompanied by budget cuts and increasing work pressure in the media sector, which, according to critics, could compromise independence.

Militarism and (ultra)nationalism

NATO countries experienced a sharp increase in military spending over the past year, the largest in decades. Belgium wants to raise defense spending, while according to critics, cuts are simultaneously being made in education, healthcare, and pensions.

In countries such as the United States, Israel, and Russia, rising military spending goes hand in hand with nationalist rhetoric and violations of international law, according to various analysts.

When we zoom in on Israel and Palestine, some voices point to serious human rights violations and structural violence. However, these comparisons are strongly contested in the public debate and within the international legal framework.

According to De Soete, it is important to remain vigilant: “Fascism has not disappeared today, but appears in various forms and degrees in our society.”

May 8 coalition

What role can a lively commemoration of the liberation from Nazi Germany play in countering these tendencies?

“You cannot celebrate 1945 if you do not protect 2026,” says De Soete.

The May 8 Coalition emerged in 2022, after De Soete, by her own account, could no longer remain silent. She refers to the renewed visibility of hatred towards certain population groups and symbols that remind her of the 1930s.

The coalition is a collaboration between trade unions (ABVV, ACV, and ACLVB), civil society organizations, academics, and the cultural sector. It formulates three demands: to make May 8 a public holiday again, to actively commemorate the day, and to warn against the danger of the far right.

“The culture of remembrance surrounding May 8 has diminished significantly, and many people hardly know what that day means anymore,” says Neut. He wants every Belgian to be able to name at least one resistance figure by 2030.

Today, May 8 is a public holiday in various European countries. In France, it is called Victoire 1945, and in the Netherlands, May 5 is Liberation Day. In the Brussels-Capital Region, May 8 has been an official public holiday since 2003, although its visibility remains limited due to other festivities on the same day.

Belgium abolished the holiday in 1974 for economic reasons. Since then, various attempts have been made to recognize May 8 again, so far without lasting success.

According to De Soete, a reintroduced public holiday must also have substance: involving education, remembrance, and cooperation with schools. "If that happens, support will grow naturally," she says.

According to her, the brakes are mainly coming from political parties that fear an extra day off or the explicitly anti-fascist nature of the day.

May 8 calls for us to remain vigilant.

In a time when rhetoric from the interwar period is resurfacing, packaged in contemporary language and policy.

In times of reforms presented as protection, while it is increasingly determined who belongs to the 'we'.

May 8th should sound like a holiday.

Feel like a relief.

As common sense, as a matter of course.

The fact that it feels almost provocative for some to say that out loud today shows precisely why this day has regained meaning.